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	<title>Comments on: The Fall of the House of Asad</title>
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	<link>http://qunfuz.com/2012/10/11/the-fall-of-the-house-of-asad/</link>
	<description>Robin Yassin-Kassab</description>
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		<title>By: Robin Yassin-Kassab</title>
		<link>http://qunfuz.com/2012/10/11/the-fall-of-the-house-of-asad/#comment-7221</link>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Robin Yassin-Kassab]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Oct 2012 18:55:16 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description><![CDATA[I would define a resistance regime as one which resists zionist occupation and aids the palestinians to resist apartheid. if that&#039;s the AIG i think it is, you won&#039;t agree, especially with the apartheid bit - but let&#039;s not fight about it now. Theoretically a resistance regime could resist in any of a variety of ways - diplomatically, politically, militarily, even culturally. I&#039;ve never liked the term and I never thought the asad regime was really interested in resistance, but it did seem to me at one point to nearly fit as a result of its help to hizbullah - which it seems i was also wrong about. But I still respect the past version of hizbullah for its work for the lebanese shia and for its military resistance to israel. asadist help to hizbullah is outweighed by its slaughter of palestinians in lebanon and its useless attempts over the decades to coopt and divide palestinian political and military organisations.]]></description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>I would define a resistance regime as one which resists zionist occupation and aids the palestinians to resist apartheid. if that&#8217;s the AIG i think it is, you won&#8217;t agree, especially with the apartheid bit &#8211; but let&#8217;s not fight about it now. Theoretically a resistance regime could resist in any of a variety of ways &#8211; diplomatically, politically, militarily, even culturally. I&#8217;ve never liked the term and I never thought the asad regime was really interested in resistance, but it did seem to me at one point to nearly fit as a result of its help to hizbullah &#8211; which it seems i was also wrong about. But I still respect the past version of hizbullah for its work for the lebanese shia and for its military resistance to israel. asadist help to hizbullah is outweighed by its slaughter of palestinians in lebanon and its useless attempts over the decades to coopt and divide palestinian political and military organisations.</p>
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		<title>By: AIG</title>
		<link>http://qunfuz.com/2012/10/11/the-fall-of-the-house-of-asad/#comment-7217</link>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[AIG]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Oct 2012 14:14:23 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description><![CDATA[Qunfuz,

Usually leaders are given 100 days in office as a grace period. Assad was given 11 years. 

Don&#039;t be too hard on yourself regarding this. Would it had made much difference if you had wanted Assad gone years ago? Was there any credible alternative after the Damascus Spring was beaten down? Not really. The Assads did not allow any alternative except the mosque to raise its head in Syria. So the only real alternatives for someone what cared about Syria were either to go into a pessimistic funk or optimistically hope that Assad will change.  If you want to fault yourself for anything it should be for being too optimistic despite the evidence. But that is not more than an epistemology misdemeanor.

 If I may ask, at what point did you reach the conclusion that the Assad regime was not really a resistance regime? How would you define a resistance regime?]]></description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Qunfuz,</p>
<p>Usually leaders are given 100 days in office as a grace period. Assad was given 11 years. </p>
<p>Don&#8217;t be too hard on yourself regarding this. Would it had made much difference if you had wanted Assad gone years ago? Was there any credible alternative after the Damascus Spring was beaten down? Not really. The Assads did not allow any alternative except the mosque to raise its head in Syria. So the only real alternatives for someone what cared about Syria were either to go into a pessimistic funk or optimistically hope that Assad will change.  If you want to fault yourself for anything it should be for being too optimistic despite the evidence. But that is not more than an epistemology misdemeanor.</p>
<p> If I may ask, at what point did you reach the conclusion that the Assad regime was not really a resistance regime? How would you define a resistance regime?</p>
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		<title>By: Robin Yassin-Kassab</title>
		<link>http://qunfuz.com/2012/10/11/the-fall-of-the-house-of-asad/#comment-7107</link>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Robin Yassin-Kassab]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 12 Oct 2012 22:50:51 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://qunfuz.com/?p=2016#comment-7107</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[I remember when hafez died there was an atmosphere of barely suppressed panic amongst many syrians. people were terrified of a return to the coups. i think many, perjaps most, syrians welcomed bashaar not wholeheartedly, certainly not beuase they liked the hereditary president idea, but as the least worst option. aand the late 90s, early 2000s looked a hell of a lot better than the 80s in syria. so many people hoped. I too (and obviously i was completely wrong) hoped. i think hafez, though undoubtedly a ruthless tyrant and a domestic mismanager, had a strategic intelligence. for instance, he immediately understood the ramifications for syria of the collapse of the soviet union. i thought perhaps some of that strategic intelligence might survive in the regime and that the family would recognise the new historical moment  - 2011, the arab uprisings, etc - and respond more intelligently so that syria could have had a staged route to democracy with guarantees for all etc. i was wrong, i was wrong. (i would say that your characterisation of the baath is too simplistic, although it&#039;s cetainly true that the regime was always based in violence and never in a genuine mass movement. it did however represent a movement of rural sunnis and minorities to the urban centres and a share in power, whatever we think of how  it was done and what happened to other social groups. i mean, it had some kind of social base at first, some kind of natural constituency. since bashaar and the crony capitalism (and really since the late 70s when the gloves came off) it hasn&#039;t had that.]]></description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>I remember when hafez died there was an atmosphere of barely suppressed panic amongst many syrians. people were terrified of a return to the coups. i think many, perjaps most, syrians welcomed bashaar not wholeheartedly, certainly not beuase they liked the hereditary president idea, but as the least worst option. aand the late 90s, early 2000s looked a hell of a lot better than the 80s in syria. so many people hoped. I too (and obviously i was completely wrong) hoped. i think hafez, though undoubtedly a ruthless tyrant and a domestic mismanager, had a strategic intelligence. for instance, he immediately understood the ramifications for syria of the collapse of the soviet union. i thought perhaps some of that strategic intelligence might survive in the regime and that the family would recognise the new historical moment  &#8211; 2011, the arab uprisings, etc &#8211; and respond more intelligently so that syria could have had a staged route to democracy with guarantees for all etc. i was wrong, i was wrong. (i would say that your characterisation of the baath is too simplistic, although it&#8217;s cetainly true that the regime was always based in violence and never in a genuine mass movement. it did however represent a movement of rural sunnis and minorities to the urban centres and a share in power, whatever we think of how  it was done and what happened to other social groups. i mean, it had some kind of social base at first, some kind of natural constituency. since bashaar and the crony capitalism (and really since the late 70s when the gloves came off) it hasn&#8217;t had that.</p>
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		<title>By: SL</title>
		<link>http://qunfuz.com/2012/10/11/the-fall-of-the-house-of-asad/#comment-7106</link>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[SL]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 12 Oct 2012 21:20:47 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description><![CDATA[An excellent piece. Accurate and beautifully written. 

So why am I clutching my head in exasperation while reading it? 

It&#039;s because you wrote: &quot; Most analysts (me included), and most Syrians, continued to give Bashaar the benefit of the doubt until March 2011.&quot;

Then comment: &quot; It was regime stupidity and barbarism ... which finally brought crowds to the streets.“

Exactly! But why is the the true nature of the regime treated as a discovery? 

It has confounded and appalled me since 2000 that anyone could accept, at any level, that Bashar Assad should be automatically elevated to lead Syria and then taken seriously. And that the situation was likely to be sustainable. 

A hereditary dictatorship in the 21st century? End of story. And one as inept and sinister as they come. 

The bleak inevitability of today&#039;s nightmare from the day Hafez Assad seized power was summed up with crystal clarity by Burhan Ghalioun in a speech at the LSE last month:

“…the Syrian regime is not a political regime. It’s not even a nationalistic patriotic regime. It’s actually acting only through blood and authority of occupation. The Syrian regime came to power through violence. It never sought to integrate or actually have any sort of participatory approach towards its own people, even in a partial way. It never answered to any political standard. 

…“It’s only through violence or sometimes they resorted to manipulation. The way they always played and exploited any contradictions that are there in Syria, any fractions that are already there. They always manipulated it to rule. “

(I recommend in full the speech in London at the LSE on 20 September by Dr Burhan Ghalioun, Université Sorbonne Nouvelle and Former Chairman of the Syrian National Council - 

http://www2.lse.ac.uk/middleEastCentre/Events/Event%20Transcripts/Ghalioun.Keynote.Transcript.pdf)

What were Lesch and others thinking? That Planet Assad was &#039;normal&#039;? That Assad was the Syrian people? That the Syrian people weren’t human beings like everyone else? 

Calling it naivety is being kind. I think a sharp recalibration of his moral compass is required if Lesch wants to be regarded as a grown up.]]></description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>An excellent piece. Accurate and beautifully written. </p>
<p>So why am I clutching my head in exasperation while reading it? </p>
<p>It&#8217;s because you wrote: &#8221; Most analysts (me included), and most Syrians, continued to give Bashaar the benefit of the doubt until March 2011.&#8221;</p>
<p>Then comment: &#8221; It was regime stupidity and barbarism &#8230; which finally brought crowds to the streets.“</p>
<p>Exactly! But why is the the true nature of the regime treated as a discovery? </p>
<p>It has confounded and appalled me since 2000 that anyone could accept, at any level, that Bashar Assad should be automatically elevated to lead Syria and then taken seriously. And that the situation was likely to be sustainable. </p>
<p>A hereditary dictatorship in the 21st century? End of story. And one as inept and sinister as they come. </p>
<p>The bleak inevitability of today&#8217;s nightmare from the day Hafez Assad seized power was summed up with crystal clarity by Burhan Ghalioun in a speech at the LSE last month:</p>
<p>“…the Syrian regime is not a political regime. It’s not even a nationalistic patriotic regime. It’s actually acting only through blood and authority of occupation. The Syrian regime came to power through violence. It never sought to integrate or actually have any sort of participatory approach towards its own people, even in a partial way. It never answered to any political standard. </p>
<p>…“It’s only through violence or sometimes they resorted to manipulation. The way they always played and exploited any contradictions that are there in Syria, any fractions that are already there. They always manipulated it to rule. “</p>
<p>(I recommend in full the speech in London at the LSE on 20 September by Dr Burhan Ghalioun, Université Sorbonne Nouvelle and Former Chairman of the Syrian National Council &#8211; </p>
<p><a href="http://www2.lse.ac.uk/middleEastCentre/Events/Event%20Transcripts/Ghalioun.Keynote.Transcript.pdf" rel="nofollow">http://www2.lse.ac.uk/middleEastCentre/Events/Event%20Transcripts/Ghalioun.Keynote.Transcript.pdf</a>)</p>
<p>What were Lesch and others thinking? That Planet Assad was &#8216;normal&#8217;? That Assad was the Syrian people? That the Syrian people weren’t human beings like everyone else? </p>
<p>Calling it naivety is being kind. I think a sharp recalibration of his moral compass is required if Lesch wants to be regarded as a grown up.</p>
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		<title>By: The Fall of the House of Asad &#171; band annie&#039;s Weblog</title>
		<link>http://qunfuz.com/2012/10/11/the-fall-of-the-house-of-asad/#comment-7076</link>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[The Fall of the House of Asad &#171; band annie&#039;s Weblog]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 11 Oct 2012 12:52:41 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description><![CDATA[[...] Read more of this post   Robin Yassin-Kassab &#124; October 11, 2012 at 10:12 am &#124; Tags: David Lesch &#124; Categories: book review, Syria &#124; URL: http://wp.me/pytsp-ww Share this:FacebookTwitterLike this:LikeBe the first to like this. [...]]]></description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>[...] Read more of this post   Robin Yassin-Kassab | October 11, 2012 at 10:12 am | Tags: David Lesch | Categories: book review, Syria | URL: <a href="http://wp.me/pytsp-ww" rel="nofollow">http://wp.me/pytsp-ww</a> Share this:FacebookTwitterLike this:LikeBe the first to like this. [...]</p>
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